BIG INTERVIEW: Banyarwanda face statelessness over names and physical appearance - Gashumba

Discriminating against us while benefiting from our votes in elections is unacceptable. Many leaders owe their positions to Banyarwanda voters, which contradicts claims of our non-citizenship - Frank Gashumba
The Council for Abavandimwe, a body representing the interests of the Banyarwanda community in Uganda, has recently intensified its advocacy for justice and equal rights.
Led by Frank Gashumba, the council has decried the alleged discrimination faced by its people, particularly regarding citizenship and identification.
Gashumba revealed that members of the Banyarwanda community are being rendered stateless due to systemic injustices, including the confiscation of national IDs and deregistration from government databases without explanation.
In an interview with Nile Post, Gashumba stated that efforts to address these issues, including petitions to Parliament and engagements with the President, have so far yielded minimal results.
Excerpts;
Let’s start by elaborating on the citizenship challenges faced by the Banyarwanda people, particularly concerning immigration and identification issues.
The Constitution of Uganda recognises several indigenous tribes, including Baganda, Acholi, Langi, Basoga, and others. Among them is the Banyarwanda, but many are becoming stateless in their own country. For instance, young people are denied national IDs based on two main reasons: their physical appearance and their names.
Names like Kalimera, Kalisa, or Kabagambe are an automatic red flag for immigration officials. Take the case of a young man you have just talked to from Mukono. His mother is Muganda, and his father is Munyarwanda, which, according to the Constitution, qualifies him as Ugandan.
Despite providing extensive documentation to prove his citizenship, he was denied a national ID and told to naturalise essentially by buying citizenship in his own country.
During elections, however, these same individuals are allowed to vote. But after elections, they are told they are non-Ugandans. This contradiction highlights a significant problem.
When did these issues become widespread?
We started observing these cases around 2015. Since then, it has worsened. Recently, an elderly man from Mbarara called me because his wife’s national ID was confiscated at the border, preventing her from travelling. The Constitution and the law are clear: no one has the authority to confiscate or withdraw a citizen’s ID or passport without due process.
However, at migration points like Gatuna, IDs are taken simply because someone’s name sounds Banyarwanda.
What are the categories of challenges these individuals face?
There are four main challenges:
Confiscation of National IDs at Border Points:Officials seize IDs without explanation and often redirect individuals to Kampala, where they are told they are not Ugandan.
Officials silently deregister individuals by removing their details from the database without notifying them, violating their rights.

Applicants with Banyarwanda names are often told to leave and apply for passports in Rwanda. Some are forced to naturalise to access opportunities like scholarships or medical care.
Stranded Citizens Abroad: Banyarwanda working abroad with expired passports face refusals for renewals, leaving them stranded.
Without a national ID, one cannot open a bank account, own a SIM card, buy or transfer land, or even access higher education. It’s a complete denial of basic rights.
What steps have you taken to address these issues?
We have taken several steps: We petitioned Parliament, but the committee's report ignored our submissions. It suggested naturalisation for Banyarwanda, which we oppose.
We met with the former Minister of Internal Affairs, who introduced a local council verification process, but it was discontinued after his transfer.
We reported to the Uganda Human Rights Commission and the Equal Opportunities Commission, which acknowledged our concerns but offered limited resolutions.
We wrote to the President, and he responded positively. I had a one-on-one meeting with him where he agreed to meet our executive and victims to discuss the matter further.
Why do you believe these issues persist despite constitutional protections?
The Constitution clearly defines citizenship criteria. For example, the 1962 Constitution granted citizenship to anyone in Uganda as of October 8, 1962. The 1995 Constitution upholds this, but there is a selective application of the law.
When a Muganda applies for a passport, they are asked clan-related questions. However, when a Munyarwanda applies, the focus shifts to proving their lineage before 1926, which is almost impossible for anyone to do. This systemic discrimination is the root cause of the problem.
What is the way forward?
We need the government to implement fair and consistent application of the Constitution. Local council verification should be reinstated and formalised. Authorities must stop confiscating IDs and passports without due process.
We are hopeful after engaging with the President, who expressed willingness to address these issues. However, continuous advocacy and legal action may be necessary to ensure justice for all Ugandans, including the Banyarwanda.
There are reports that an executive order is forthcoming regarding the immigration issues you mentioned. Could you elaborate on what has been promised and the current state of affairs?
Yes, the President assured us he would issue an executive order to guide immigration officials on how to address the concerns of our people. However, we are still waiting for that directive. It has been a prolonged wait, and we’re yet to see tangible actions.
Beyond the executive order, there are rumours of internal conflicts within your circles...
Internal conflicts? That is news to me. But let’s address it. First, I will clarify who is genuine in this fight. It is vital to understand that anyone claiming to champion rights must be consistent in their identity and efforts.
Take Mukasa Mbidde, for example. He claims to advocate for the community but does not fully embrace who he is. He is not aligned with our principles and doesn’t represent our struggle. We have managed to fight for our rights with divine support, and we don’t need pretenders in our cause.
Are you saying he hasn’t contributed to the cause?
Precisely. Mukasa Mbidde served two terms as a Member of Parliament for EALA. Let him name one instance where he championed this cause. He is also the vice president of the Democratic Party. Has he ever used that platform to advocate for us? The answer is no. His track record shows he is more interested in personal gains.
What about the organisations in question, like Umubano Uganda? How do they fit into this narrative?
Umubano Uganda was established in 1995. I am a lifetime member. Back in 2011, elections were held for leadership roles in the Uganda Banyarwanda Cultural Development Association. Dr Ephraim Kamuhangire, now deceased, was elected as the legitimate leader. However, Musa and Donat Kanunwa, who lost the elections, went ahead and registered a parallel organisation under the same name. This split created confusion. If Uganda had stringent laws, their actions would be deemed fraudulent.
Is this why you formed a separate organisation?

Exactly. Recognising the disarray in Umubano, a few of us decided to establish the Council for Banyawarwanda. The idea was to part ways with the disorganized factions and focus on the real issues our community faces.
These include injustices, arrests, and discrimination issues that Mukasa Mbidde and his group have never addressed. We needed a fresh start and a clear identity.
There are accusations that the rifts are fueled by financial incentives
(Looking directly) Let me be clear: I have never received funds for this cause. Ours is purely a pro bono effort, supported by committed friends and community members who seek no publicity.
If there is evidence to the contrary, let it be presented. Interestingly, the only group that has received funds from the government is the Donat Kanunwa faction. We remain steadfast in our principles.
You have mentioned rebranding your identity. How did that process unfold?
It’s a fascinating story. We realised the term "Munyarwanda" was problematic. There is a nation called Rwanda, and identifying as Munyarwanda created confusion. Someone could arrive from Rwanda today and claim the same identity. So, we decided to rebrand. The name "Abavandimwe" was proposed, meaning brethren. It reflects our unity and distinctiveness as Ugandan Banyarwanda.
How was the name received?
It was overwhelmingly positive. After consulting with linguistic experts and cultural leaders, we launched the name through a press conference. The response was massive, both locally and internationally. Even young people across the country embraced it wholeheartedly. It is a term that now resonates with our community’s identity and aspirations.
Despite these efforts, why do you think the opposing group is resisting?
Their resistance stems from vested interests. Donat Kanunwa, for instance, is conflicted. He is torn between Uganda and Rwanda, with one leg in Kigali and another in Kampala.
For us, both our feet are firmly planted in Uganda. We are Ugandan Banyarwanda, proud of our heritage and dedicated to our country. That is the distinction.
Do you see the younger generation aligning with this new identity?
Absolutely. The youth are very comfortable with the term "Abavandimwe." It is inclusive, empowering, and forward-looking. It is not just a name; it’s a declaration of who we are. This generational shift is crucial for the community’s progress.
What’s next for your organisation?
We are focused on building structures that support our community. This includes addressing injustices, advocating for equitable treatment, and empowering our youth. The journey hasn’t been easy, but we are committed to ensuring our voices are heard and our rights are protected. The rebranding was just the beginning. Now, we are working towards tangible change for Ugandan Banyarwanda.
What are your thoughts on loyalty between Rwanda and Uganda?
Personally, I travel to Rwanda as a visitor, much like when I go to Kenya or Tanzania. I am treated as a foreigner in Rwanda. For example, when I arrive, I’m asked where I will be staying. In Uganda, no one asks such questions because I am Ugandan. Interestingly, Rwandans refer to us as “Aba Gandhi” (foreigners), emphasizing that we don’t belong there. Even if I speak Kinyarwanda, within seconds they can tell I’m not one of them, similar to how accents reveal non-natives in Swahili-speaking regions.
Can you highlight key milestones of your association?
Certainly. Despite being only four years old, the association has achieved a lot:
We have a functional office on Jinja Road at Pioneer House.We host shows every Sunday on Radio Four and Radio Seven to discuss our rights and culture.
Our efforts brought the issue of discrimination against our people to Parliament, making it a national conversation.
We highlighted injustices to the President, who promised to address them via an executive order. The Prime Minister confirmed this on the floor of Parliament.
Do you have any legal or advocacy actions planned?
Yes, we are considering legal options, including petitioning the Constitutional Court. However, the President advised against this, assuring us of an executive order to address the injustices.
Our legal challenge focuses on immigration officials’ interpretation of the Constitution, which lists indigenous tribes but not families. The President acknowledged this and promised a solution.
What’s next?
We are waiting for the President’s executive order. It’s crucial to respect his directive, especially since legal battles in the Constitutional Court often stall indefinitely. His body language suggests he’s committed, but if nothing changes, we won’t remain passive. For instance, denying us participation in the 2026 elections would contradict the current practice where all Ugandans, including us, are allowed to vote.
How do you plan to engage the broader Ugandan public?
Sensitisation is key. Many Ugandans don’t know that the Banyarwanda in Uganda are their compatriots. Historical context is essential:
The colonial partitioning left families split between Uganda and Rwanda. For instance, one family’s pit latrine might be in Rwanda, while their house is in Uganda.
Three groups of Banyarwanda reside in Uganda: Those pushed here by colonial borders.
Economic migrants like my grandfather, who came for work and settled permanently.
Refugees who fled political crises in Rwanda and later returned after the conflict.
We will use radio and public forums to educate Ugandans on these dynamics.
Do you feel hopeful about the future?
Yes, based on the President’s commitment. But if nothing is resolved, we will continue advocating for our rights. Discriminating against us while benefiting from our votes in elections is unacceptable. Many leaders owe their positions to Banyarwanda voters, which contradicts claims of our non-citizenship.
Any closing remarks?
The Banyarwanda are Ugandans. We have contributed to this country just like any other community. It is time to bridge misunderstandings and embrace our shared identity. Our struggle is about dignity and identity. It is not about money or politics but ensuring our community’s rightful place in Uganda. We have faced challenges, but our resolve remains unshaken.
To those who doubt our intentions, our actions will speak louder than words. This is a movement for the people, by the people, and we will see it through.